Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish

Cross-linguistically, control complement clauses have been reported to allow overt pronominal subjects displaying the diagnostic properties of obligatory (‘Overt PRO’; see Livitz (2011) and reference therein). Building on Gómez (2017), we extend empirical range PRO phenomena para finality adjunct in (Colombian) Spanish. We show that controlled subject para-infinitives ―be it null or PRO― has same distribution interpretive as infinitives. bring light unexpected asymmetries vs. PROs which dub Overt covert paradox: while they both only a bound variable reading under ellipsis, PRO, unlike also allows coreferential association-with-focus. Here again, data are identical control. account for this paradox by putting forth Anaphor Generalizations, state (i) anaphors must be syntactically bound, (ii) semantically can but need not bound. further how Generalizations extended similar patterns interpretation English French reflexives.